Jauretche, an influential journalist, sees popular support for Arturo Frondizi as a marker that the Argentine people are rewriting their history and finally embracing civility over militarism; however, Frondizi's rise may only mark the melding of…
This article reflects a prevailing notion that with Peron exiled, and Peronism proscribed, the best route for the new government is to move forward through leniency. It also quotes Eduardo Lonardi, who said that in the new Argentina "(no hay) ni…
The article alludes to a restrictive educational environment under Peron and that the provisional government will lead to a more open and accessible university system
The article suggests that opposition to Peron had been brewing for 10 years and that the eventual overthrow, and subsequent transition period, shows many of the tactics Peron employed
"Don't rush to judgement" seems to be a recurring opinion in this piece, which labels the two-month period after Peron's fall as a revolutionary age (the same term Peronists applied to the preceeding 10 years)
The increase in violence, social disorder, and labor protests have led to many influential military leaders looking for an alternative solution. Onganía will be out of power within the year. [The sidebar is worth a read. Also: the following week…
The commentary by Grondona suggests that the model for the military coup were the similar approaches in De Gaulle's France, Franco's Spain, and Branco's Brazil. The question is what the new government means by "revolutionary" and what new powers have…
Sensing that the military will repeat the coup of 1962, President Illia provides a speech aimed at restoring confidence in his government. Primera Plana concludes that the speech was notable for what was ommitted, punctuated by a cartoon.
The most magazine interviews perhaps the most important politician inside Argentina in 1957. He argued that voters, not officials, should decide which constitution to adhere to: 1853 or 1949.